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Platino Brillante
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EL PERIODISTA GRINGO DE PUERTO RICO...

ESTA INTERESANTE EL NUEVO LIBRO QUE PUBLICO UN PERIODISTA NORTEAMERICANO QUE ESTUVO POR DECADAS VINCULADO A PUERTO RICO, HARRY TURNER. TURNER COMENZO SU CARRERA DE PERIODISTA EN LOS ANGELES , CALIFORNIA, CON EL EXAMINER, Y LUEGO SE MUDO A PUERTO RICO DONDE VIVIO DIEZ AÑOS Y FUE EDITOR DEL DIARIO EL SAN JUAN STAR, LUEGO SE MUDO A WASHIGTON DC Y MARYLAND PARA SER EL CORRESPONSAL DEL SAN JUAN STAR EN WASHINGTON ,ESPECIALIZADO EN LAS CUESTIONES POLITICAS ENTRE PR Y EU...ESTA BIEN INTERESANTE!!!. EL LIBRO ES LA HISTORIA QUE EL LE HACE A SU HIJO SOBRE SU VIDA COMO PERIODISTA. UNA BUENA IDEA LA DE HARRY LA DE CONTARLE SU HISTORIA A SU HIJO FRANK... ME IMAGINO QUE LO MISMO LE PASARA A JORGE RAMOS CON SUS HIJOS QUE LO VACILARAN Y LE DIRAN QUE ES EMBUSTERO O NO LE CREERAN LAS HISTORIAS. ES COMO EL VIDEO DEL AÑO DE MARIA CELESTE, QUE ES SOBRE LA PELEA GRACIOSA QUE ELLA Y HIJO TUVIERON ATRAVES DE SU BLACKBERRY, QUE LE DICE EMBUSTERA Y VIEJA A MC...ALGO BIEN GRACIOSO!!!!. LO QUE SON LAS GENERACIONES Y LAS RELACIONES ENTRE HIJOS Y PADRES!!!!. ME IMAGINO QUE SERA LO MISMO CON LAS HIJAS DE MARIA ELENA Y ELLA Y TERESA Y SUS HIJOS, ENRIQUE GRATAS, PEDRO SEVCEC ECT Y SUS HIJOS. COMO UN "MINI MI" MUY BUENO EL LIBRO DE HARRY TURNER...LA FAMOSA RELACION ENTRE LOS PERIODISTAS Y SUS HIJOS...DONDE LE CUENTAN SUS HISTORIAS PERIODISTICAS Y DE VIDA...

Las memorias de un veterano periodista

Por Jose Delgado del Nuevo Dia

Harry Turner, un veterano periodista norteamericano que fue corresponsal en Washington del desaparecido diario the San Juan Star de Puerto Rico, ha publicado sus memorias, en las que hace una detallada retrospectiva de su carrera.

En el libro "Dear Frank", dedicado a su hijo, Turner relata, además, los conflictos personales que rodearon su trabajo profesional desde que llegó en 1960 a Puerto Rico a trabajar en el el periódico San Juan Star, como editor de Negocios.

Turner fue además jefe de Redacción y Director del diario puertorriqueño en Ingles. Pero, por muchos años también estuvo asignado como corrresponsal en Washington D.C., época en la que cubrió eventos como la liberación de los prisioneros nacionalistas, así como los debates de status en el Congreso y las Naciones Unidas.

El debate sobre el futuro político de Puerto Rico lo compara con el ‘Super Bowl’ del fútbol estadounidense – el evento deportivo de más importancia en Estados Unidos-, pero "sin tiempos de descanso ni silbato final".

"Es ciertamente el hecho de que nunca nada sucede lo que mantiene vivo el juego del debate sobre el status", indica Turner en su libro, el cual espera tener disponible pronto en la Isla.

Turner cuenta que fue el primer periodista en entrevistar en prisión a los nacionalistas puertorriqueños que cumplieron 25 años de cárcel por tirotear el Congreso y, en el caso de Oscar Collazo, por el atentado de 1950 en contra del presidente Harry Truman.

Hace alusión a sus encuentros con Lolita Lebrón, Andrés Figueroa Cordero y Rafael Cancel Miranda. Ni Collazo ni Irvin Flores, otro de los participantes en el tiroteo al Congreso, aceptaron entonces su solicitud de entrevista.

"Me di cuenta de que parte de mi admiraba a los nacionalistas. Eran bravos y pusieron su vida en juego", dijo Turner, quien reside en Maryland, en una entrevista.

Platino Brillante
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Tuvo también la tarea de cubrir a la organización clandestina "Los Macheteros", tras el robo de $7.2 millones a la empresa de seguridad Wells Fargo, en Hartford, Connecticut. Entonces, se trató del segundo robo más grande en la historia estadounidense.

Tras los arrestos del 30 de agosto de 1985, Turner entrevistó a Filiberto Ojeda Rios y Juan Segarra Palmer, los líderes de un organización clandestina que, entre otras cosas, reclamó la destrucción de nueve aviones de la Guardia Nacional de Puerto Rico.

Por ejemplo, todavía cuestiona el ataque a tiros en contra de un autobus repleto de marinos estadounidenses en Sabana Seca, que dejó a dos militares muertos. "Me pareció que no hubo excusa para eso. Esos marinos quizá ni sabían donde estaban", indicó Turner.

En su libro, el veterano periodista, quien se retiró en 1992 después de 32 años vinculado al San Juan Star, recuerda con cariño a algunos colegas de su época. Y a otros con un evidente desdén.

Y cuenta en detalles no sólo como durante una época se entregaba cada noche al whiskey, sino sus conflictos con su primera esposa.

"Quería ser honesto", sostuvo, al ser preguntado por qué relata experiencias íntimas y conflictivas que algunos hubiesen optado por dejar a un lado en sus memorias.

Turner piensa que su hijo, Frank, que ahora tiene 32 años y es producto de su segundo matrimonio, ha reaccionado bien al contenido del libro.

"Todavía – dijo-, lo ve desde muy cerca. Pienso que con el tiempo lo apreciará más".

 

PARA LOS QUE INTERESE SABER MAS SOBRE PUERTO RICO LAS COSAS QUE NO PUBLICAN NI TAN SIQUIERA EN LOS PERIODICOS "REGULARES" DE LA ISLA, LE RECOMIENDO QUE LEAN EL PERIODICO EN INGLES CARIBBEAN BUSINESS. MIREN LOS INTERESANTES ARTICULO PUBLICADOS ALLI POR LOS EXGOBERNADORES DE PR, RAFAEL HERNANDEZ COLON Y CARLOS ROMERO BARCELO

http://www.caribbeanbusinesspr.com/

 

 

Richard Copaken

By : RAFAEL HERNÁNDEZ COLÓN

Late one afternoon in June 1970, two young lawyers from Washington walked into my office—at the time, the office of the president of the Puerto Rico Senate—to seek my help concerning the cessation of naval operations in Culebra.

They were Richard Copaken and Tom Jones from the prestigious law firm of Covington & Burling in Washington.

Ramón Feliciano, the mayor of Culebra, had managed to enlist the services of this firm on a pro bono (i.e., nonpaying) basis to defend the interests of Culebra against the U.S. Navy.

That afternoon began a relationship between beep and I that spanned until I visited Washington three weeks ago with the intention of seeing the last exhibition of his paintings. At the time, he was undergoing experimental chemotherapy at Johns Hopkins for pancreatic cancer. He had called me a few weeks before to tell me about his diagnosis and that he had a couple of months to live. He hoped that with the chemo he could last it out until May next year when there would be the preview of a movie featuring his grandson Jacob.

But his wasn’t a sad call. It was Copaken at his best. Full of optimism, he was facing his battle with terminal cancer without missing a beat regarding his current projects, one of which was the exhibition of his paintings at a Washington gallery and at his Covington & Burling law firm. The other was the presentation this month in Río Piedras of his book on Culebra, which is being published by the editorial board of University of Puerto Rico. I told him I would go to Washington after the elections to see him and go with him to the exhibition of his paintings.

A twist of fate made it impossible for us to meet. When I got to Washington after the election, I called his home but he wasn’t there. He returned the call from Kennedy Airport in New York. He was taking a plane to Los Angeles because the producer of the film, in which his grandson had an important role, had arranged for a private showing for him. He wouldn’t be back until Tuesday, and I had to leave early Monday morning. He told me to go by his office to see his exhibition and we would get together when he came down for the presentation of his book on Culebra.

His secretary ushered me into the exhibition the next day. I studied the paintings and the dates they were painted to detect signs of the terrible drama he was going through. I found none. Yet, our meeting for the presentation of the book was not to be. beep Copaken passed away last Monday.

Puerto Rico owes beep Copaken a profound debt of gratitude for his services to this island. They spanned his role in Culebra back in 1970 to his role in Vieques during the Calderón administration. The struggle against the Navy to get it to cease the bombardment of Culebra was hard and bitter. For six years, Copaken, Feliciano and I had to struggle in Congress, with the Pentagon, the White House and in the U.S. national media to defeat the Navy. beep was the strategist, a relentless force, day in and day out, for truth and justice.

At one point in 1971, when we had obtained a partial victory, the San Juan Star, on Nov. 1, 1971, editorialized in the following manner about beep Copaken:

Victory on Culebra

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"…Copaken’s contribution can’t be discounted. He has been tireless, single-minded and, apparently, just enough of an annoying gadfly to finally cause Navy officials to capitulate.

And he did it all as a public service and without getting a fee.

It would seem the Culebrans could show their gratitude in a positive way to Copaken. Perhaps they could throw a week-long fiesta in honor of the young lawyer. Or erect a statue to him in the town plaza.

Or…how’s this for an idea that’s only partially tongue-in-cheek: They could change the name of their one town Dewey to Copaken."

Victory was finally obtained in 1975. Without Copaken’s courage, tenacity, creativity and his indefatigable pursuit of justice, this couldn’t have been accomplished. It was achieved without impairing in any way the good relationship of Puerto Rico with the U.S. When we held the victory celebration, U.S. senators and members of Congress came to celebrate with us. It was a victory for the people of Culebra to live in peace. It wasn’t an ideological victory. It wasn’t a battle about political status.

Another important contribution beep Copaken made to Puerto Rico was the advice he gave me regarding the intentions of the Reagan administration in 1984 to repeal Section 936 of the U.S. Internal Revenue Code. This was a hot issue when I was elected governor in November 1984. At the time, beep was advising me, as a friend, on federal matters.

We came up with the idea of using Section 936 to promote the economic development of the countries in the Caribbean. Twin plants could be started in those countries and in Puerto Rico by companies that would have the benefits of Section 936 in the U.S. Section 936 funds in Puerto Rican banks—we had about $17 billion of them—could be used to finance economic-development projects in these countries.

I announced the idea in my inaugural speech Jan 2, 1985, and President Reagan shortly thereafter accepted the idea. Section 936 was saved and, with it, thousands of jobs in Puerto Rico. Over $1.3 billion was invested in numerous Caribbean Basin countries. Puerto Rico became a leader in the Caribbean Basin.

May this column—which I write with love for Margie his widow, his daughters, Deborah, Jennifer, Laura and July, and his grandchildren, Jacob, Sasha, Leo, Samara and Oliver—be a tribute to Richard Copaken. Not only from me, but also from thousands of Puerto Ricans who were touched by his services and who will never know his name or the love he had for this island.

Double standard

By : CARLOS ROMERO BARCELÓ

My first involvement in politics was in 1965.

At that time, I joined the nonpartisan political organization Citizens for State 51. I joined soon after the 1964 elections. In March 1965, I ran for president of the organization and was elected.

In the 1964 elections, the Statehood Republican Party lost every senatorial and representative district, every municipality and every precinct in Puerto Rico. With the exception of the three candidates for at-large senators and the three candidates for at-large representatives nominated by the Statehood Republican Party (SRP), which were duly elected, the other SRP senators and representatives in the Legislature were sworn in and seated as the additional legislators allowed by the so-called Minorities Law.

During that time, in 1965, it was very difficult to have any opinion or opposing political statement published. Before publishing any statement criticizing Gov. Muñoz Marín or any Popular Democratic Party (PDP) leader, the reporter would first get a statement from the PDP leader or his or her public relations or press officer. Most criticisms against Muñoz Marín weren’t even published and many statements critical of PDP leaders were printed at the end of the story. Their answers very often would be the lead story and our statement or criticism would appear at the end. Only El Día newspaper, which at that time had a very low readership, and the WIAC radio station and other small island radio stations were friendly to the statehood cause.

However, the vast majority of the press not only was friendly and very partial in favor of the PDP and the Commonwealth, they were outright protective of the PDP leadership and critical of our leaders at the drop of a hat. At that time, the press was even more critical and unfriendly toward the independence cause and their party than toward the statehooders. The everyday relationship with most of the press was subject to a double standard. In spite of the partiality of the press, we won in 1968. The 1967 plebiscite helped the statehood cause by allowing PDP affiliates to vote for statehood and, later on, to identify themselves with the newborn political party, the New Progressive Party (NPP). In addition, the PDP split between Luis Negrón López and Roberto Sánchez Vilella followers. The PDP-leaning press also split their loyalties, and our supporters were given more opportunities and were subjected to less criticism.

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Because we won in 1968, we forgot or failed to pay attention to our lack of support in the press. The independence advocates and, particularly, the pro-independence leaders, however, developed a strategy to infiltrate and eventually take over control of the press and the labor movement in Puerto Rico. Since then, the independence advocates have joined with the two-headed monster of "full sovereignty commonwealth" supporters and gained virtual control of most written press, the audiovisual media and most of unions. The double standard applied by most of the press has increased to an unacceptable level in most newspapers, on radio stations and TV channels 2, 4 and 11.

From 1978 through early 1992, the vast majority of the press and the media in Puerto Rico, aired and published all kinds of false, undocumented and biased stories that led people to believe I had ordered the killing by police of two terrorists, who planned to set fire to and blow up a communications tower on a mountain called Cerro Maravilla.

No evidence was ever produced to show I had ordered any killing, something of which I am incapable, or that I had tried to obstruct justice. On the contrary, all admissible evidence found, or direct testimony taken, was exculpatory. All exculpatory evidence was hidden by the Puerto Rico Senate investigator and the PDP-controlled Senate. I was labeled an "assassin" by the PDP leaders. The press never reported how my children and my family were affected. On the contrary, they continued to hound us, publishing and airing false and unsubstantiated accusations against me. As a matter of fact, they repeated and gave prominence to obviously inadmissible evidence, such as hearsay testimonies and absurd speculations.

Never, during the 12 years of hearings in which the PDP-controlled Senate spent $42 million trying to prove their false charges against me, did any editorial or story in the media ask that I be given the presumption of innocence until proven guilty. Never did they feel sorry for my children and family. On the contrary, most of the press tried to convict me without any evidence. They wanted to believe I was guilty, even though all credible and admissible evidence was exculpatory.

It is precisely when we compare the behavior of the majority of the press with me, and now with Gov. Aníbal Acevedo Vilá, that we can see an enormous difference in attitude and behavior. The press’ double standard in treating statehood advocates and independence and Commonwealth advocates is obvious. Their attitude is that if Joe Schmo accuses a statehood leader of corrupt behavior, without producing any evidence, they publish it as though the statehood leader had already been convicted. However, if a statehood senator, representative or other statehood leader accuses a Commonwealth supporter of corrupt behavior, most reporters will immediately ask for evidence. However, even when evidence is produced, the story often isn’t published or published in the least-read pages.

In the case of Acevedo Vilá, who is formally indicted and his criminal behavior set forth with names, dates, amounts and testimonies, the press pleads for him and insists he be given the benefit of presumption of innocence until proven guilty.

How different from the majority of the press in Illinois, which is asking Gov. Rod Blagojevich to resign in the best interest of the state of Illinois. The press in Illinois is asking for his removal from office. In Puerto Rico, the press even helps the indicted governor raise funds by giving him free publicity for his fund-raising events to pay his attorney. Ever since Acevedo Vilá was indicted, instead of making an effort to remove him from office, most of the press in Puerto Rico allows their media to be used for Acevedo Vilá’s image repair. They have given him coverage and publicity in just about every activity he puts together to try to repair his image.

The partiality of the majority of the press toward Acevedo Vilá was demonstrated from the beginning of his administration. His questionable victory by approximately 3,500 votes in the face of the overwhelming support of NPP senators, representatives and mayors was continuously given unwarranted validity and support. Although he was part of Sila Calderón’s disastrous administration, the press asked for understanding and support. Even after he had lied and reneged on his agreements with the Legislature, the majority of the press continued to support him and blamed the Legislature.

How different from today, when Fortuño hasn’t even been sworn in and we already hear and read stories written by members of the press questioning when he is going to fulfill his campaign promises, promises they know can’t be immediately carried out because of the incredible financial disaster that Acevedo Vilá is leaving him.

There is a limit to how far the press’ double standard can go. The landslide victory obtained by Fortuño shows that the majority of the people want him to succeed in his efforts. The least he deserves from all of us, including the press, is our support, not criticism before he is even sworn in.